St. Augustine's Church, Northbourne in 1484 - 1573

Wills

John Grigge of 'Fyngelesham,' in 1484 requests he be: - 'Buried in the Church of St. Augustine of Northbourne, in the Chancel where the Sepulchre of the Lord on Easter day is situated, or before the Image of Blessed Mary in the same Church. To the Church for my burial, 6s 8d. Dedication, Light of Blessed Mary of Pity, 20d.'

The Easter Sepulchre was usually placed on the north side of the chancel. It symbolised the tomb of Christ, and the Blessed Sacrament was ritually placed in it on Good Friday. It was left here for three days until Easter Sunday when it was moved to the high altar. They were usually movable wooden structures and bequests for embellishment was a popular gesture of piety. Occasionally they were elaborate carve stone panels with figures depicting the Easter story with a niche for the sacrament.

Robarte Sowthouse [Southhouse] of 'Cotman Corte,' [Cottington Court] in 1541 requests he be: - 'Buried in the Church of Norborne, before the Blessed Sacrament of the high altar. Ex'ors distribute in the Parish Church on the day of my forthfare and anniversary 36s. 8d. among priests, clerks, and poor people, to sing and say Placebo and Dirige, with masses for my soul.' The Office for the Dead, or rather Vespers, followed by Matins and Lauds, were commonly known as Placebo and Dirige.

For more wills see: Wills Relating to Northbourne Church 1466 - 1541.

Visitation 1511-12

Visitations to the parish, by the Archbishop or his deputies, give an insight into the condition of the church. These formal visits ensured the church was maintained and the minister and the parishioners were carrying out their duties. The visitation by Archbishop Warham to Northbourne in 1511-12 did not identify any major problems with the structure of the church, although it did state 'there lak lights in the churche,' which the churchwardens were instructed to rectify. The good order of the church at Northbourne contrasts with neighbouring Ham church which had numerous structural problems. The other issues at St. Augustine's were mainly financial, including many parishioners who would not contribute towards the parish clerk's wages.

The Dissolution of St. Augustine's Abbey - 1538

It may be significant that no saints were mentioned in Roberte Sowthouse's will. Only three years earlier, in 1538, Henry VIII dissolved St. Augustine's Abbey, and started a period of upheaval and change.

Henry VIII died in 1547 before many of his measures to reform 'superstitious practices' could be implemented, but his young son Edward VI, who reigned from 1547-53, carried on the changes. Any valuable items in parish churches were either plundered or sold off and then the edict went out that everything 'vain and superstitious' should forthwith be destroyed or removed. The saints' statues and their altars were broken up and removed and the wooden rood screen taken away so there was now no separation between clergy and laity; the large stone altar slabs were replaced by the communion table. Other changes at this time were less destructive - the bible was now in English; the lectern moved from the chancel into the nave, and the clergy were permitted to marry.

Visitations in 1557, 1569, and 1573

The pendulum swung back when the Catholic Mary I reigned from 1553 to 1558. Archdeacon Harpsfield's visitation return for 'Norborne' in 1557, included a command: 'To prouid [provide] a roud [rood] Mary and John with the patron of the church…' This would indicate the medieval rood, mentioned in Stephen Frevill's will of 1477, had been removed. I hazard a guess the rood and rood screen were removed in the early 1550s. It is unlikely that Archdeacon Harpsfield's instruction for a new rood was carried out, because Elizabeth I came to the throne in 1558 and the religious pendulum swung back again. Somewhat intriguingly Archbishop Parker's Visitation in 1573 states: 'Item there is no particon betwene the churche and chancell synce it was Brent [burnt].' I assume this refers to the medieval rood and screen, and that it was deliberately taken down and burnt rather than an accidental fire. This was not the only incendiary incident; the earlier 1557 visitation ends with a 'Memorandum that the vicaryg house ys brent [burnt].'

Archbishop Parker's 1569 visitation makes no mention of the church fabric except for the lack of a large bible. However, it was concerned about the administration of the late Robert Poyshe: 'There was certain land belonging to the church sold by Robert Poyshe of Northbourne to Mr. Tysar of Sandwich, and they know not what hath been done with the money, and Thomas Rolfe hath married his widow, of Petham'.

There was also the issue of 'Thomas Kingsford hath £4 of money remaining in his hands which he desireth to pay'.

As well as 'Nicholas Cooper detaineth a cow in his hands, and the farm of the same cow for sixteen years belonging unto – – –.' In the nearby parish of Sutton a Thomas Borwell, churchwarden, had 'departed out of our parish without account making' and he 'dwelleth now in Norborne'.

The 1573 visitation states: 'Item there chauncell is in decay, the windowes are broken and Lacketh glasinge, and the chauncell Lacketh pavinge and whitinge, and Lacketh a dore…' A number of other problems were identified, including: 'Item Robert Pyttocke, executor of John Veryers will, for that he oweth fortye shillings geven to the repayringe of there Steple by the said John Veryer, our Steple is begonne to be repayred and stayeth for Lacke of money, and the said Robert Pyttocke deferreth to paye…'

The unsatisfactory condition of many parish churches was well-known; at the same time as Archbishop Parker's visitation in 1573, Elizabeth I issued a proclamation that all churches were to be kept 'in one uniform and godly order.' Archbishop Parker's visitation identified more than one third of parishes needed some repair to part of the church fabric or churchyard; this was probably due to the fact that one out of every six parishes had a non-resident parson. The vicar 'Galfydus Man,' who came to the living of Northbourne in 1554, was non-resident at the time of the 1557 visitation. The next incumbent was Henry Southowson in 1563, he was not mentioned at the time of the 1573 visitation so I assume he was resident.

References:
Duncan, Leland L., Testamenta Cantiana, 1907, 236-7.
Hussey, Arthur, 'Archbishop Parker's Visitations 1569', The Home Counties Magazine, 1903, Vol.V, 210.
Jenkins, C., 'An Unpublished Record of Archbishop Parker's Visitation in 1573', Archaeologia Cantiana, xxix, (1911), 284-5.
Whatmore, L. E., (ed.), Archdeacon Harpsfield's Visitations, 1557, Catholic Record Society, 1950-1, 33.
Wood-Legh K.L., Kentish Visitations of Archbishop Warham and his Deputies 1511-1512, Kent Records vol. Xxiv, Kent Archaeological Society, 1984, 108-10.