SEXUALLY ABUSIVE YOUNG PEOPLE

AN OVERVIEW OF THE MANY ISSUES FACED BY SOCIAL WORKERS WHO MANAGE CASES IN WHICH THERE IS CONCERN THAT A YOUNG PERSON HAS SEXUALLY ABUSED ANOTHER YOUNG PERSON

This article provides an overview of the many issues faced by Social Workers who manage cases in which there is concern that a young person has been sexually aggressive towards another young person. It is based on knowledge the author gained from training provided by Anne Bannister, Eileen Gallagher - NSPCC, and Alex Brown - Faithful Foundation. Extensive reading, along with casework practice has complemented the author's training.

As an overview, it is not intended to enable you to undertake work with this client group. It will however help to raise awareness of the extent and seriousness of sexually aggressive behaviour by young people, and assist you in respect of; Assessment; Clarifying issues concerning sexualized behaviours that are within the norm for a particular age group; Identifying behaviour which is 'Exploitative' rather than 'Explorative', and, Considering risk factors.

Throughout the paper the author refers to the sexually aggressive young person as 'He'. This is not because young girls don't display sexually aggressive behaviour towards other young people - they do. There is debate and speculation however concerning the extent of female adolescent sexually aggressive behaviour. There is a view that identification and reporting are especially difficult in cases of young female perpetrators because of the legitimate authority, easy access, and primary relationships females have to children in our society, as well as the legitimate genital contacts they have with children as a function of childcare. However, research indicates that they are far outnumbered by boys by a ratio of 20-1. (Bannister and Gallagher, 1995)

The author has attempted to acknowledge all sources of information, and this can be used as a reading list for those who wish to learn more about the subject.

Public awareness of all forms of Child Abuse has changed considerably in the last 30 years. Before the 1960's there was little or no mention of it, either in publications or in the media. This is not because child abuse did not exist - it most certainly did. Indeed, the further back in history one goes, the lower the level of child care and the more likely children are to have been abandoned, beaten, terrorized, sexually abused, and killed.

It was not until the mid 1960's that Dr. Henry Kemp referred to the 'Battered baby Syndrome', but it took many years for it to be widely accepted that parents, particularly mothers, could inflict such injuries upon their children.

Of course, Freud had 'discovered' the existence of child sexual abuse many years earlier. However, in response to peer pressure at that time he completely repudiated his theory, claiming reports of abuse were merely incestuous fantasies.

Child sexual abuse was 're-discovered' in the 1940's via the Kinsey Studies, and yet again in the 1970's as a result of the growth in the Woman's Movement and Rape Crisis Centres. These latter developments made it somewhat easier for women to come forward and report sexual assaults. Many of those who did so also reported being sexually abused as children.

The denial Freud and Kemp were faced with is still with us today, albeit to a much lesser degree. It appears to be a phenomenon that surrounds the discovery of similarly unpalatable behaviour, particularly where sex and aggression is involved.

More recent examples of this phenomenon of denial can be seen in society's responses to evidence that: -

In respect of children who exhibit sexually aggressive behaviour towards other children, our denial of such behaviour has been rationalized, and the seriousness of the problem minimalized. Indeed, as recently as 1992 a DoH and NCH survey reported extensive denial and minimization of abusive behaviour by professionals, carers, and young people. This is most apparent in the reporting of such behaviour by children under the age of ten. (NCH, 1992). We have all probably used or heard comments such as: -

Whereas it is important we do not over-react to 'normal' sexual developmental behaviour by young people, it is equally important we do respond appropriately to sexualized behaviour that is clearly abusive. One of the first recommendations of a Committee of Enquiry set up to look at the problem of children who sexually abuse other children states: -

"All professionals should take allegations of sexually abusive behaviour by children seriously and a proper investigation should be undertaken within the context of the Child Protection System". (NCH, 1991)

To respond appropriately to sexually aggressive behaviour by young people we require: -

1. Knowledge of what is 'normal' sexual development behaviour for various age groups.
2. Knowledge of issues concerning informed consent and the abuse of power.
3. As much information as possible about the sexualized behaviour in question.

The issues around defining abuse in this area of work are similar to those we are familiar with concerning adults who sexually abuse children. This means exploring and understanding the concepts of 'True Consent', 'Power Imbalance', and 'Exploitation'. For instance, by following this process we are better able to determine whether two children of the same age have simply engaged in normal sexually developmental behaviour. Similarly, this process can help us unravel situations when it is alleged a young person has abused an older one.

There are many attempts to clarify the concept of 'True Consent', I personally find the following most helpful: -

"Consent is based on choice. Consent is active not passive. Consent is possible only when there is equal power. Forcing someone to give in is not consent. Going along with someone because of wanting to fit in with the group is not consent. If you can't say 'no' comfortably then 'yes' has no meaning. If you are unwilling to accept a 'no' then 'yes' has no meaning". (Adams & Fay, 1984)

Although it is now quite widely recognized that sexually aggressive behaviour by young people exists, research in this area is relatively new, and outcomes vary. However, the picture that has emerged over recent years is depressing, and must give us cause for great concern for this client group. Here are some facts and figures: -

Statistics show that out of 10,729 individuals found guilty or cautioned for sexual offences, 3,433* were aged 20 years or younger. This figure is broken down into the following age groups: -

2,146 being between 17 and 20 years of age.

0,965 being between 14 and 16 years of age.

0,322 being between 10 and 13 years of age.

(Home Office Statistics, 1990)

* The figure 3,433 may appear low but this only accounts for sexual offences by young people who are actually reported to the police and felt to be 'serious' enough to be taken to court. Many thousands go unreported and many that are reported are never dealt with through the legal system.

The average adolescent sex offender who does not receive treatment will go on to commit 380 sexual crimes in his lifetime. (Abel et al, 1984)

42% of children treated at sexual assault centres reported their abuser as being an adolescent. (Deisher et al, 1982)

34% of women and 39% of men who recalled having a sexual encounter during their childhood with someone five or more years older than themselves, reported that the older partner was between 10 and 19 years old. . (Finkelhor, 1979)

Approximately 50% of adult sex offenders report the onset of their sexual offending during adolescence. (Abel et al, 1985)

One third of sexual offences perpetrated by adolescents resulted in physical injury to the victim. (Davies & Leitenburg, 1987)

Verbal threats were used in 57% of cases of sexual abuse by adolescents, and physical force, or the threat of it, was used in 35% of cases. (Wasserman and Kappel, 1985)

In 43% of cases where the victim was a peer or older, a weapon such as a knife or blunt instrument was used. (Groth, 1977)

From a study of 149 male adolescent sexual abusers, 59% involved penetrative offences, 12% oral genital contact, 16% genital fondling, and 12% Non-contact acts. (Wasserman and Kappel, 1985)

20% of adolescent abuser's victims were in the immediate family, 20% were extended family members, 51% were friends or acquaintances, and only 9% were strangers. 55% of offences took place in the victim's home and 22% took place in the offender's home. (Wasserman and Kappel, 1985)

A sample of 22 adolescents who had been sexually aggressive towards other family members, self reported a total of 415 sexually aggressive acts with a total of 39 victims. (Becker, 1988)

Apart from the fact that almost all sexually aggressive young people are male, there are a variety of factors relating to the family environment in which sexually aggressive young people are brought up. Research indicates that there is frequently a history of dysfunctional parenting. Out of a group of sexually aggressive young people 41% had been physically abused or neglected. This compares with only 15% in a control group of non-sexual offenders. (Van Ness, 1984)

In a similar study of sexually aggressive young people, 36% had a history of sexual or physical abuse, 30% had a sexual offender living within their extended family, and 26% had witnessed family violence. (Smith & Monastersky, 1986) 

Other research has found much higher rates linked to the sexually aggressive young person being physically abused, and them witnessing family violence - 75% and 79% respectively. Interestingly, the same research found that 70% of sexually aggressive young people, who had been sexually abused themselves, had not had their abuse acknowledged. This may contribute to the lack of empathy in the sexually aggressive young person: 'no protection for me - no empathy for you'. (Ryan & Lane, 1991) 

A high percentage of sexually aggressive adolescents admitted to having prior sexual experience with a consenting partner, challenging the notion that sexual aggression in adolescents is simply a form of misguided experimentation. (Becker et al, 1986)

Disturbed care histories also appears to be a significant factor, with studies showing that less than a third of sexually aggressive young people live with both their natural parents. (Fehrenbach et al, 1986)

There is also a high incidence of other types of loss prior to the onset of sexually aggressive behaviour, such as: The loss of a grandparent, a pet, moving home etc.

In view of research findings it would appear that sexually aggressive young people are more likely to have been physically and sexually abused themselves. They will often have care deficits and frequently grow up in families in which they witness violence, lack of empathy, and a lack of sexual boundaries. (Bannister & Gallagher, 1995)

In respect of the Social and Psychological adjustment of sexually aggressive young people, compared with non-sexual offenders: They are more likely to be socially incompetent, having more problems with loneliness, social anxiety, assertiveness, negative self evaluation, self consciousness, depression and low self esteem. (Katz, 1990)

Sexual behaviour, like all types of behaviour, is learned and shaped by many factors including Environmental, Family, Social, and Inter-personal Relationships. There will also be Psychological and Biological Influences. Sexually aggressive young people are not a homogeneous group and do not have standard psychological profiles. To help understand how this particular type of behaviour develops we need to examine a range of factors that are already known. Becker (1991) and O'Brien (1992) have integrated these factors, placing them under the following headings: -

Cold parenting; Lack of empathy; Disruptive attachment; Inconsistent care; Abuse; Domestic violence; Parental or other loss; Lack of close friend; Poor socialization; Delinquent peer group; Attention deficit; Conduct disorder; Poor social & coping skills; Poor anger management; Low self esteem; Inability to trust; Over controlled; Chaotic family.

Pornography; Sexual abuse; Lack of protection; No validation of sexual abuse; No resolution of abusive experiences; Lack of sexual boundaries in family; Sexual issues not discussed; Sex being seen as dirty.

No family rules; No age appropriate controls by carers; Ignoring or not recognizing early signs of sexually aggressive behaviour.

Sexism; Patriarchism; Media messages about sexuality; Sexual activity fused with aggression and divorced from relationships; Sexual ignorance and myths; Females as sex objects; "I am not responsible"; "I am the victim".

Inappropriate sexual behaviour is learned and reinforced by sexual fantasy, masturbation and sexual activity; Sexual activity being used as compensation for non-sexual problems and anxieties such as powerlessness, Relationship Failure Or Loss.

Victim availability; Younger siblings; Baby-sitting; Absence of adult supervision; Low threat of detection.

"It didn't hurt me"; "It's normal"; "He/she wants it to happen because he/she hasn't resisted me"; "No one will know"; "He/she won't tell"; It won't hurt him/her"; "It can't be wrong because I haven't been arrested"; "I have no one else to do it with"; "I didn't force him/her"; "I won't do it again.

Parents frightened or embarrassed to report it; Professionals hoping it was just a 'one off' so not taking action; Professional not wishing to label the young person; Factors under 'No Consequences' above.

All recent literature concerning young people who abuse other young people strongly recommends the use of Child Protection Procedures in respect of the victim and the abuser, and that this process should involve a preliminary assessment being made for the Child Protection Conference. If the preliminary assessment indicates that the young person has sexually abused, the Child Protection Conference should strongly recommend a detailed assessment in order to; Evaluate risk and dangerousness; Consider the need for further professional intervention; Evaluate motivation to engage in treatment; Decide whether the young person is safe enough to remain in the community for treatment; Consider what treatment is available.

Depending on the seriousness of the offence or offences, the C.P.S. may decide to prosecute. If they do, and the young person is found guilty, the Court will require an assessment before deciding how best to deal with the young person.

 As is the case with adults who sexually abuse children, young abusers frequently deny their sexually abusive behaviour. When this is the case, their denial should not be used as a reason for not undertaking a detailed assessment.

Clearly, even when a young person is in denial, there will be more likelihood that he and his family will co-operate with the assessment process if a Court has requested the assessment.

The purpose of the assessment is to; Evaluate risk and dangerousness; Predict recidivism; Identify needs; Decide who is suitable for treatment; Recommend placement where appropriate; Recommend necessary restrictions (e.g. contact, baby-sitting etc.); Evaluate treatment. (Morrison & Print 1995)

It is important we recognize that our approach to interviewing and working with young abusers needs to be quite different to the way we interview and work with young victims of abuse. Banister & Gallagher, 1995, refer to the conflict between our need to empathize with a young person who has undoubtedly suffered some kind of traumatic experience, and the need to assist that young person to control his sexually aggressive behaviour. Whereas our approach to interviewing and working with young people who have been abused is essentially non-directive, our approach to young abusers needs to be motivational and challenging. A well structured and challenging interview technique that confronts the sexually aggressive behaviour is therefore an important tool for our assessment - together with information from: -

In view of the likelihood of denial and minimization by the young person, Brown 1995 suggests we make the following assumptions: -

01. Young abusers will lie, minimize, excuse, rationalize and distort the truth.

02. The incident is not usually a 'one off' or 'out of character'.

03. Young abusers may not have any real motivation to change - despite what they say.

04. Abuse is not a part of 'normal' adolescent development.

05. Offending is rarely a family problem - it is the responsibility of the offender.

06. The abuser is not sick or psychiatrically ill.

07. There are likely to be other offences (e.g. voyeurism, additional assaults etc.)

08. Abusers have their distorted thinking reinforced by everything that goes on outside sessions.

09. An abuser may have been abused - but not necessarily.

10. Abuse by young people is a child protection issue.

11. Young people plan and fantasize about their offences.

The following list by (Wenet & Clark, 1986) is helpful in evaluating the information you will gather during the assessment period. It has been divided into indicators of Low, Moderate and High risk: -

Although even quite young children are capable of developing a grooming process, the younger the sexually aggressive person is, the less sophisticated the grooming process is likely to be. This is related to issues such as the young person not being old enough to understand the subtleties of a grooming process, not truly understanding the behaviour is unacceptable, and a child's need for more immediate gratification. Sexually aggressive behaviour may therefore present as being more impulsive in quite young children.

The most important objective of treatment is for the young person to become so aware of the triggers which start his cycle that he will be instantly alerted and employ new thinking and behaviours to break this cycle before he gets to the deviant sexual behaviours. I have adapted work by McFarlene, 1991, that uses examples of the likely components of a Sexual Assault Cycle:-

1. Thinking of bad or unpleasant things that have happened to you.

2. Feeling sad or bad about yourself.

e.g. It's my sister's fault, my mum likes her better than me.

3. You have angry feelings.

e.g. Wanting to get even with sister - fight, argue, stomp around, ignore people.

4. You start thinking about sex.

e.g. Remember being abused. Think of how it felt. Want to do sex behaviour.

5. You have an erection, sexual urge, and increasing tension.

e.g. Strong feelings of wanting to do it. Look at dad's sex pictures. Masturbation.

6. You think of what to do and whom you can do it with.

e.g. I want to touch my sister's privates. I could ask her to play house. I'll sulk if she won't.

7. You set up the abuse (Grooming).

e.g. You go and ask her - you both go up to your room.

8. You sexually abuse.

e.g. You pull down her pants and touch her private parts.