|
The first mention of a church in Poulton is in a document of 1094 but there could well have been a church here in Anglo Saxon times; the church is dedicated to, St Chad, an Anglo Saxon bishop who died in 627 AD.
The Fleetwood family were patrons of the church from 1538 and St Chad's is unusual in that it has six hatchments, showing the coats of arms of members of the family
ONE OF THE FLEETWOOD FAMILY HATCHMENTS BEING RETURNED TO St CHAD'S AFTER CLEANING AND RESTORATION UNDERTAKEN in 1997 BY PAT ALLOUIS PICTURED WITH FRANK JUBB, CHURCHWARDEN
There are six bells in the tower which probably dates from the mid seventeenth century
St Chad's church is in the Diocese of Blackburn and is one of the largest parishes in the Diocese with more than 20,000 people living in Poulton. In the past the parish of Poulton stretched from the River Wyre in the north to Squires Gate Lane in the south where it met the parish of St Cuthbert's, Lytham.
St CHAD'S PARISH CHURCH FROM THE CHURCHYARD

THE MYSTERY SURROUNDING St CHAD'S The tower dates from the 17th century and the apse was built in 1868 but what about the main body of the church? Although Victorian antiquarians wrote that the church was demolished and rebuilt in 1751, research based on new evidence which has come to light in recent years suggests that the church was not completely demolished but rather drastically re-ordered inside and the outer walls, which are built of red sandstone, were faced with grey ashlar at the same time.
The earliest documentary reference to a church at Poulton-le-Fylde occurs in 1094, when Roger de Poitou gave it (together with others at Kirkham, Melling in Lonsdale, and elsewhere) to the new priory to St Mary at Lancaster. The medieval and later dedication of the church to St Chad, the 7th century founder and first bishop of the diocese of Lichfield, is a good indication that the church was in fact of pre-Conquest date, since it is extremely unlikely that if the 1094 church was a new Norman foundation it would have been dedicated to one of the most important figures of the Saxon church.
Nevertheless, the first-time visitor to the church today might well be surprised to learn of its ancient beginnings, since St Chad's appears to be essentially a Georgian church - a simple rectangular nave of grey ashlar stone, with a 17th century tower at the west end and a Victorian apse at the east end. Inside there is an attractive range of 18th century furnishings and woodwork. In contrast with other ancient parish churches of the Fylde - St. Michael's, Churchtown and Woodplumpton, for example - Poulton seems to retain virtually nothing of its medieval past. There is no old stained glass, no ancient font, no sedilia where the priests sat or piscina where the vessels were cleansed during the  eucharist, no old pews with misericords, no ancient pillars or stone carvings or wall paintings.
Along with the tower, there are a few traces of the 17th century in the church. Fixed to the wall behind the choir stalls are some 17th century grave memorial plates, and in the choir vestry two plaques commemorate the long service of the vicar Peter White (1622) and the initials of the churchwardens of 1638. The apparent absence of any other earlier work would be explained if the visitor read in the older histories that in 1751 the medieval red sandstone building was completely demolished (presumably with the exception of the tower) and a new church erected in a style fashionable at the time. The visitor would conclude that the work in 1751 must have been so thorough that virtually all trace of the old church was erased.
But all is not what it seems. Recent exciting discoveries made during repair and restoration work, and a new look at the sources upon which the Victorian historians based their claim that the church was 'levelled with the ground' in 1751, have resulted in the rewriting of the history of the parish church. Contrary to appearances, St Chad's is still, underneath the Georgian gloss, a medieval church.
THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH The only description of the pre-1751 church at Poulton was written in 1828 by the vicar of Whalley, Thomas Whitaker, in his History of Richmondshire wrote of St Chad's: 'the old building consisted of a nave and north aisle and had four octagonal pillars extending from the chancel to the font with semi-circular arches between'. Writing in 1837 William Thornber, a local antiquarian, added the detail that the walls of the medieval building were 'principally of red sandstone'. There is still a thin layer of red sandstone visible at the base of the north and south walls, and the walls below the windows also seem to be of red sandstone, although now discoloured and grey in appearance.
The possibility that, even though the outside of the church is of grey ashlar, the interior - under its whitewashed plaster - might be of red sandstone was put forward in 1978 by Peter Fox in his excellent guide to the church, but it was not until repair work undertaken in 1989 that the plaster could be stripped from the interior walls. This duly revealed red sandstone blocks, and the exterior grey ashlar on the outer walls could then be seen simply as a thin skin or facade attached to red sandstone. A particularly interesting feature which came to light when the plaster was removed from the south west wall of the gallery was a dark diagonal marking across the sandstone blocks - probably an indication of the line of the medieval roof.
More recently, in February 1994, the removal for repair of the pediment and pillars surrounding the door on the south side of the church allowed the outer face of the red sandstone construction to be seen for the first time (that is, beneath the outer layer of ashlar). Above the present door several large sandstone blocks are arranged in a wide arc, which may mark the position and dimensions of an earlier and much wider medieval door.
The discovery that the body of the church actually consists of red sandstone, which - according to Whitaker and Thornber - was the fabric of the medieval building, raised the question as to whether the rebuilding in 1751 ever in fact took place. or whether it was in reality no more than a substantial repair together with the resurfacing of the exterior of the church in large grey ashlar blocks. Recent research into the documentary evidence now suggests that the latter is in fact the case - a re-ordering and refacing of the medieval church took place, to make the ancient building appear more fashionable and more tidy, but the basic structure of the church was retained. The Victorian historians, although they wrote less than a century after the event, appear to be wrong in the story they told.
THE DOCUMENTARY SOURCES Although the parish registers date from 1591 there are no other important church records available for Poulton until 1764, when the first surviving detailed churchwardens' accounts began. Poulton itself was never part of any large estate, and has no early manorial court records, and contemporary written evidence about both church and town is sparse. However, much can be deduced from careful reading and re-interpretation of the records which are available to us.
The main secondary sources of information about the history of the town and church are the works of four eminent Victorian antiquarians. Whitaker and Thornber have already been mentioned; the others are John Porter and Henry Fishwick. All wrote between 1828 and 1885, and careful reading of their work indicates that the only evidence upon which they based their accounts of the demolition of the church was a single entry in the parish register for 1751.  Some 18th century incumbents took great delight in writing comments m their parish registers about topics ranging from the weather and the state of the nation to the private lives of parishioners, but in the whole of his 44-year incumbency as vicar of Poulton Robert Loxham departed only once from the minimal records of baptisms, marriages and burials. On 25th August 175 1, inserted after the conventional entry 'Margaret & of James Bisbrowne of Poolton baptised' in three lines of small, neat handwriting, is the comment: 'at home by reason the church was down'.
Thomas Whitaker, in 1828, offers no specific source for his simple statement that the church 'was demolished and rebuilt in the year 1751'. In contrast William Thornber, nine years later, clearly states his primary source: 'we gather from the registers that on the 25th of August of the same year, when the walls were levelled with the ground, divine service was celebrated in the tithe barn and children baptised ‘at their own homes'. In 1876 Porter, in his History of the Fylde, tells how 'during the time the new church was in the course of building, divine service was performed in the tithebarn, and the ceremony of baptism at the residences of the parents'. He gives no source for this information, but the similarity of the wording makes it clear that he copied from Thornber. Fishwick, in 1885, states that 'the ancient church was pulled down in 1751 as is proved by an entry in the registers of that year - June 1751, Margaret daughter of James Bisbrowne, baptised in her own house by reason church was down'.
It seems that the single entry in the register of baptisms is the only evidence for the story of demolition and rebuilding, and later historians clearly borrowed from their predecessors when writing their accounts of the church. But why did the vicar make the comment beside this particular entry, when no other baptism in the same period has such an addition?  Between April and December 1751 a steady stream of 36 baptisms, 11 marriages and 52 burials were performed by the vicar, but only in the one instance of Margaret Bisbrowne's baptism is there any reference to an alteration in the venue. Moreover, John, son of William Butler, a soldier, was baptised on the same day as Margaret, and the baptism of the son of Edward Atkinson of Hardhorn took place two days later. In total there were eight baptisms in August 1751, but only one seems to have taken place somewhere other than in the church.
WHO WAS JAMES BISBROWNE? How was James Bisbrowne, father of Margaret, apparently able to persuade the vicar to baptise his daughter in his own house even though other ceremonies were taking place in the church, in spite of the building work. He was an educated man, who in 1759 was responsible for recording the monies collected in Poulton for the national appeals known as 'briefs'. In marked contrast to his successors, James Bisbrowne's books were immaculately kept, neatly written with ruled lines separating the entries, and including full details of the damage suffered in various tragedies -'loss by fire of household goods of seven families - 3s. 5d.'
His will gives other clues as to the 'bargaining power' which he may have held. James was a house carpenter, living on the Breck in Poulton, and when he died in 1783 he owned ten cottages, a shop, gardens, and shippon, as well as the tools of his trade. He was related to other well-established and influential families in mid-18th century Poulton. Is it possible that he was actually involved in the building work which was going on at the church in 1751, and that he did not want his baby daughter to be baptised amid the dust and dirt and debris? His social status, and the fact that he was an educated man, clearly associated with the church, would imply that perhaps the vicar made a special exception for him. What is clear is that the evidence of this one entry certainly does not support the view of the 19th century historians that the church was completely rebuilt, and it also looks as if they embellished and embroidered the accounts which they gave with unsupported ancillary detail.
THE FACULTY OF 1751 When large-scale alterations are planned in an Anglican church it is necessary for a faculty - that is, permission from the diocesan authorities - to be obtained before work begins. This system has for centuries operated (not always successfully) as a check against the personal whims of incumbents and the ill-considered reordering and structural alteration of churches. The faculty issued by the Diocese of Chester to the churchwardens of Poulton in June 1751 might have been expected to refer specifically to the rebuilding of St Chad's, but in fact it simply mentions various smaller projects - a gallery then on the east wall was to be removed and re-erected on the west wall; two additional galleries were to be built on the north and south walls; the pulpit would be repositioned; two staircases built; and financial arrangements made to pay for the work. It makes no reference to demolition and rebuilding, but it says that the work was to be undertaken for 'the better uniformity of the parish church in Poulton which is now taken down and rebuilding'.
The Victorian antiquarians may have interpreted the phrase 'taken down' literally, but if this was so why should galleries have been moved, new staircases built and the pulpit repositioned? A complete reconstruction would by definition have meant that all these works were irrelevant since the building would be fitted out from scratch. Maybe we should interpret the words 'taken down' as meaning 'out of use' or 'temporarily out of commission', in the same sense as modern computer systems and oil wells are described as 'down'.
EVIDENCE FOR ADAPTATION The fact that the main building of the church is now known to be of red sandstone, not of ashlar, and that the probable line of the medieval roof survives, makes it almost certain that the work of 1751 involved adapting the existing structure It was very much cheaper to do this, retaining the original walls, door spaces and window spaces. The superficial absence of medieval work and fabric of the 16th and 17th centuries is deceptive, for there is more than meets the eye. The present windows, which reach from about five feet above the ground almost to the roof must surely have been in existence before the erection of the side galleries, which are simply attached (rather precariously) to the wall by beams, leaving a large gap between the galleries and the windows.
The four main windows, two each in the north and south walls, are not in alignment with each other. if the church had been newly-built to a modern design in 1751, the windows and galleries would have been designed as an integral part of an overall plan, rather than (as is the case) having the galleries clumsily crossing over the window space and blocking much light. In the 19th century three small oval windows, one on the north side and two on the south, had to be inserted high in the walls to admit more light to the gallery areas.
THE FRONT PANEL OF THE FLEETWOOD FAMILY PEW DATING FROM THE 1630s
At the back of the church, now forming part of the choir vestry, are a carved wooden pew screen and a small door, both dating from the 17th century. They originally formed part of the family pews of the Fleetwoods and Rigbys, and were sited near to the chancel steps in a position now occupied by the choir stalls. In the mid 1880s, when the orignal box pews were being replaced, two sides of the Fleetwood pew screen - with the Rigby door inserted - were moved to its present position to make an entrance to the newly-formed baptistry in the south-west corner of the church.
It seems very improbable that this ancient remnant of the earlier building would have been saved and re-used in a total reconstruction in 1751, not least because it would have been extremely unfashionable by the mid- 18th century. As late as the 1870s a local newspaper journalist, writing about St Chad's, referred to the box pews, and the Fleetwood family pew in particular, as looking like 'a cross between a railway carriage and a gondola', and by 1751 the early 17th century woodwork would have seemed laughably old-fashioned and out of keeping with the new design of the church. It is more likely, therefore, that the older woodwork survived because the work in 1751 involved extensive alterations and renovation rather than total destruction of the church itself.
THE CONCLUSIVE PROOF? Margaret Panikaar found a key reference which is perhaps the most important proof we have - the visitation returns submitted to the diocesan authorities by the churchwardens each year. The original visitation records seem to have disappeared, but handwritten copies survive and are held in the Local Studies section of Manchester City Archives. These show that the work at St Chad's was spread over a period of at least four years during the 1750s, and that it was not - as the Victorians thought - a 'simple' demolition of the old church and the building of a new one. In 1750 the churchwardens wrote that 'Our church is not in so good repair as we would wish it, but we are preparing with all expedition we can to make it in sufficient repair'. In 1752 they reported that 'Our church is rebuilt but not finished', and it was not until 1754 that they record that 'Our church is rebuilt and finished'.
The overwhelming evidence -Â the physical fabric of the church and the documentary sources which are available - suggests that St Chad's may be a medieval church which in 1751 was completely renovated by being given a fashionable exterior skin and new interior furnishings. The work was so effectively done that within a century reputable and usually accurate local historians believed that the old church had been completely demolished and a new one built on its site - but the vigilance of the local historians who observed the renovation work in the early 1990s suggested that the Victorians may have been wrong.
The documentary sources seem to confirm the new interpretation, and teach us a lesson: don't unquestioningly believe what you read in print!
(This article first appeared in ˜The Lancashire Local Historian, the Journal of the Lancashire Local History Federation. vol 10 1995 Christine Storey)
SOURCES: Manchester City Archives Department: W. Farrar's transcripts or visitation papers LI/52/2 (With grateful thanks to Margaret Panikaar for locating this source) Lancashire Record Office: PR3222, The parish records of Poulton le Fylde G. Fishwick, The Parish of Poulton le Fylde (1885) D. Kenyon, The Origins of Lancashire (1991) J. Porter, The History of the Fylde of Lancashire (1876) W. Thornber, A History of Blackpool (1837) T. Whitaker, A History of Richmondshire (1828)
|