A brief outline of Burgundy.

Ruler: Duke Philip the Good, born 1396, married to Isabella of Portugal. Heir apparent: Charles, Count of Charolais, born 1433, married 1440 to Catherine of France, died without issue 1446, married 1454 to Isabel de Bourbon; one daughter, Mary, aged 3.

Last an independent kingdom in the 11th century, what we think of as the modern state of Burgundy is actually a plethora of lesser fiefs held from two higher princes.

This modern state of Burgundy dates from 1363, when King John II of France granted the Duchy to his youngest son, Philip the Bold. Philip promptly married the heiress to the counties of Flanders, Nevers, Rethel, Artois and Burgundy. [To clear up any confusion, the Duchy of Burgundy is a part of France but the County of Burgundy, (Franche-Comté or Free County; as in free of France), is held from the Holy Roman Emperor.]

Thus, this first Duke Philip became the lord of a group of feudal counties speaking more than five languages and not even geographically contiguous. Later additions to these estates, (see map): Brabant, Limburg, Holland, Hainault, Luxembourg and Namur, consolidated the dukes' grip on the area and turned Burgundy into one of the richest and most influential states in Europe.

Despite its wealth, Burgundy is not independent and the dukes must pay homage to the Emperor and the King of France for their various holdings. Naturally, the rulers of such a rich and prestigious fief tried to achieve true independence. The Emperor has shown small concern over this but the attempts of the King Charles VII to limit Burgundian autonomy created severe frictions between the two, to the point where Burgundy allied with England in the wars against France for much of this century.

This isn't as unlikely a partnership as it seems. Burgundy's principal sources of wealth are trade and cloth manufacture. Situated at the mouth of the Rhine, Burgundy is the natural outlet for the overland trade route from the Italian ports in the Mediterranean. A lot of what comes up this road goes to England. Also, English wool is crucial to Burgundy's cloth industry so the two countries have strong financial ties.

Another reason for Duke Philip's pro-Englishness is the fact that the current French King had Philip's father murdered in 1919. Burgundy and England got on very well after that, until the wily Charles VII bought the Duke off by granting him a dispensation from paying homage for his French lands. (Perhaps the first step to full independence.) This let France maintain the initiative gained by the black magic of the French witch, Joan of Arc. Anglo-Burgundian relations weren't improved by Henry VI's marriage to a French princess in 1445, (not that there were any Burgundian princesses available). Hence, Duke Philip stood by as France drove us out of our French possessions.

Duke Philip the Good is possibly the most consummately able prince in Christendom. Over the years, it has become clear that he is trying to forge his hotchpotch melange of fiefs into a coherent, modern state with the ultimate aim of securing recognition as a fully independent sovereign. Obstacles to this policy lie mainly in the language problem and the resistance to centralisation from the major towns in the Low Countries.

Despite his age, Philip is a vigorous and effective ruler, as well as a superb statesman and diplomat. He may seem to be an amiable and approachable man but he is also a fierce commander in battle and a ruthless sovereign. No one who deals with him should underestimate his abilities, one of which is an uncanny ability to appoint superbly talented administrators.

Nicholas Rolin has been Chancellor since 1422. His perception and intellect are matched only by his industry. Early in his career, he was definitely pro-English and anti-French, accusing the murderer's of Philip's father in the Duke's name but his attitudes changed by 1430 and he negotiated the Treaty of Arras reconciling Burgundy to France and repudiating the English alliance. Truth is, Rolin is a pure politician and sees all issues only in terms of their utility to Burgundy. However he is over eighty years old and many people reckon he is losing the fine edge of his abilities.

In 1456, he and Antoine de Croy, Count of Porcieu were sent together as ambassadors to France where once Philip would have sent only Rolin. Duke Philip now favours the Croys over Rolin in subtle ways and Rolin shows signs of retiring from total control of all administration. No one man could replace Rolin but Antoine, his brother and nephew, Jean Lord of Chimay and Philip Lord of Sempey are also very capable. Where they differ is in their self-interest. Rolin has received his just rewards for his industry over the last forty years but already the Croys have amassed as much if not more, as have their close relatives, the Lalaings and Lannoys. Philip probably listens to Antoine at least as much as Rolin now and, unlike Rolin, Antoine is bribable.

Most of the sycophants at Court go along with the Duke's apparent views. However, the Count of Charolais is known to detest the Croys and his public criticism of their voracity has caused the minor rift between Philip and his heir, though not to the extent of that between Charles VII and the Dauphin Louis. In fear of his life from his father, Louis fled France and took refuge in Burgundy in 1456 where he is a valued friend of the Duke. Louis has courted the Croys, recognising in them the imminent successors to Rolin.

The Scots favour Philip as an 'impartial' arbitrator in their disputes over Berwick and Roxburgh, probably because the Scottish Queen, Mary of Gueldres, is his niece. Observers believe Duke Philip favours the Yorkist side in our current conflict but it would be more accurate to say he took a personal liking to the late Earl of Salisbury whilst severely criticising the Earl of Warwick's piracy as Captain of Calais. In contrast, the Count of Charolais spent considerable time with the Duke of Somerset while the Duke was in Guisnes. In our era where the cult of personality is all-important, it is the ruler's personal feelings that can govern a country's foreign policy as much as political considerations. It is impossible to predict which way either man's decision would go but Philip does have a reputation for honour and at least seeming scrupulously fair. Whom he would favour in the dispute is a moot point.