Chronology of Tunnelling in the La Boisselle Sector in 1916 (Work in progress)

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La Boisselle Contents

 

 

Date/ Source

Mining

Infantry

1/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

[strength 19 officers 603 OR]

Attack on enemy position launched at 7.30am

The under mentioned mines were successfully fired by this company at 7.28am.

40,000 lbs Ammonal in chamber at end of S4 D transversal under the Y Sap.

60 000 lbs Ammonal in two chambers at end of Lochnagar drive.

8 000 lbs in No 2 straight, 8 000 lbs in No 5 right Inch Street workings.

All these mines did considerable damage to the enemy field works (This was ascertained by actual inspection after the infantry had carried the position). D transversal and Lochnagar severely wrecked his surface works, whilst the Inch St mines wrecked his underground mine system in their vicinity. All the mines caused casualties.

All trench emplacements constructed at ends of the various saps on the fronts of the 8th, 32nd & 36th Divisions were completed and opened up. SANDA was opened up to the surface at its extremity and a trench cut connecting the tunnel to the German front line.

The company met with no casualties in carrying out the above functions.

 

 

4/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

… Orders received from 3rd Corps commander through Chief Engineer to commence work in repairing the entrances etc to our own mine system which had been damaged by enemy shell fire during the recent operations, and also to destroy the German mine system.

Parties at once detailed to proceed to the trenches and start this work.

[Killed : 79061 Cpl Sime A; wounded by enemy shrapnel: 148456 Spr Dyas A, 132758 Spr Hall M, 46919 Spr Crimes G, 132770 Spr Stringer T;] 79576 Spr Bryce D accidentally killed by falling down S5 shaft.

 

 

4/7/16 Stokes diary

Visited 179, but found Hance away. Saw Capt Kerr who had been responsible for Lochnagar blow [sic]. Kerr stated that this & the D (S4) mines were very effective. The Kirriemuir [sic] shallow was opened into the front line & used for communication extensively, in connection with La Boisselle attack.

The Waltney & Rivington St. galleries were used by 8th Divn for S. Guns & were opened up for communication; but Kerr does not know if they were used.

---

I think all Tunnelling officers who worked in the saps at the time of the attack should be individually examined. Probably each one gained some definite information that may be useful in future schemes of this character…

 

 

5/7/16  War Diary 179 Coy

… Lt R Hawtrey RE appointed to command D Section.

[wounded by shrapnel: REs: 147664 Sgt Mortimer H, 136434 Spr Long T, 112700 Spr Auty T, 1[or4]4787 Spr Hall C. 13774 Pte Hooper E 7/N Lancs attached.]

102357 A/L-Cpl Lambert D wounded by bridge falling on him as a result of an enemy shell hitting him.

 

 

5/7/16 War Diary 34 Div GS Report by Hance

[Weekly Mine Report 179 Coy

Strength RE 19 officers 384 OR, attached infantry 214 OR, total 19 officers 598 ORs.

Designation of working: Lochnagar; Map Ref. X.20.c; Depth: 50’; nature of ground: hard chalk; Report:]

A straight gallery had been driven for a total distance of 500 feet in front of our front line trench. A Y branch was then driven to within an estimated distance of 100 feet of the German trenches, when chambers were excavat[ed] These two branches of the Y totalled 100 feet in length. This distance, and the last 34 feet of the straight in gallery, were excavated wit[h] the bayonet only, for silent work. Latterly the enemy was heard very plainly working at a slightly lower level than ourselves Subsequent examination points to his work having been of the nature of a defensive mine system in which it is probable that the sounds we heard were caused by his work on a transversal gallery as they did not seem to come any closer (as would have been the case had he been driving an attack gallery) but rather to cross our front. The objects of the mine were (1) to destroy the enemy trench and to knock out his machine guns at this point, where his trench formed a pronounced salient (2) to destroy his underground system whatever it might be (3) to kill any troops he might have sheltering underground from our bombardment.

As the work of excavating the chambers required to receive the necessary charges was very slow, it became necessary to place portions of the charges in each of the two branches of the Y [added:] (galleries – the chambers not being large enough to accommodate them). And as the one branch was roughly normal to the enemy trench, and the other inclined thereto, the charge was divided into 24000 lbs in the former and 36000 lbs in the latter. These charges were tamped solid for 350 feet outside the junction of the Y branches.

12 detonators in series, each with a guncotton primer attached, were distributed among each charge, the two charges being [??ed] in parallel. A second and reserve system of detonators was also connected in case of accident to the first. The mine was fired at -2 minutes on Z day, and was wholly successful. An enormous crater was formed, extending considerably behind the enemy trench, which, with its occupants and machine guns etc, was entirely destroyed for a considerable length, as well as all his dug-outs for a considerable distance beyond the actual crater being entirely closed, and large portions of his trench being buried. There can be no doubt that the mine generally caused him considerable loss, and by the violence of the shock to his garrison, and the shelter afforded by the lips of the crater itself, enabled our attacking infantry to reach his trenches here, and to pass over them in the first assault, with comparatively light loss. Such loss as was incurred must have been caused by fire from his flank. The infantry were also on Z night to establish themselves inside this crater, forming an advance position in front of our original trenches. Observations have been taken to the boundaries of this crater but so far each attempt to measure the same with a view to estimating the affect [sic] of the charge has been prevented by the amount of fire the enemy has still, until today [5/7], been able to bring to bear at the point. These investigations we hope to continue at a subsequent moment.

[Designation of working: No 2; trench name: Inch St; map ref: H.16 (X.19.b.8.2.) The above references refer to the entrance to the mine system; Depth 80’; nature of ground: hard chalk; Report:

A charge of 8000 lbs ammonal was laid in a chamber at a point X.20.a.½.7½, the enemy being known to have an attack gallery close to this point. The charge was tamped solid 180’ outside the chamber. The charge was fired at -2 minutes on Z day and was intended to destroy his attack gallery at this point. Subsequent examination has proved that it did so.

[Designation of working: No 5 right; trench name: Inch St; map ref: H.16 X.19.b.8½.8.; Depth 109’; nature of ground: Blown chalk; Report:]

The enemy was known to be very close at this point, as he could be heard moving and talking with the naked ear. A charge of 8000 lbs Ammonal was laid, and tamped for a total distance of 160 feet. The object of the mine was to destroy his mine system at the pint and to gas his workings. His loss in personel [sic] cannot be estimated, as his trenches at this point were not carried until he had tie to remove any dead from his workings. His attack gallery was absolutely closed to within a few feet of his transversal, and blood etc at this point show that he suffered loss in life. The mine, like others, was fired at -2 minutes on Z day.

[Designation of working: S4.1; trench name: Largo St; Map ref: L.4. X.13.d.5½.5½.; depth: 70’; nature of ground: Hard chalk; Report:]

This mine was aimed to destroy the enemy’s Y sap, and a chamber was made at an estimated distance of 30’ in front of the nose of this sap. The total distance driven in this gallery to reach this point round the enemy’s flank, at such a distance that he could not hear us until too late to check our operations, in the absence of a defensive mine system, was 1008 ft. A charge of 40000 lbs ammonal was laid in this chamber, and was tamped with 100 feet solid tamping followed by 200 ft of alternate 6 ft air-spaces and 10 ft solid tamps.

The enemy was heard at the last moment, whilst we were excavating the chamber, sinking down on top of us. He was however too late to prevent us attaining our object. The mine was fired at -2 minutes on Z day, and wholly destroyed his Y sap, and any machine-guns etc that he had at that point. Such loss as was incurred by fire form this point was suffered before the mine was fired. Thereafter the infantry were able to approach his trenches on the south of the crater protected from fire by the lips formed. It has been impossible to measure this crater without [?ing] needless work from the fire which he still brings to bear on this point from Ovillers, and attempts to do so this afternoon immediately produced heavy shell [fire?].

The enemy’s mine system, which is very complete and contains an extraordinary number of shafts, has been examined and surveyed, and will be destroyed. Much valuable information as to the means by which he has been able to tap our telephone messages, copies of many of which were found underground, has been obtained. [sgnd] H M Hance Major OC 179 Co RE 5/7/1916

 

 

8/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

…

10AM Inspector of Mines GHQ and Controller of Mines 4th Army here & interviewed officers on duty in the trenches at time of launching the attack on Z day. Chief Engineer 3rd Corps visited German mine system with OC.

Capt J Young to hospital wounded.

 

 

9/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

Capt G Rowan proceeded on leave to England.

 

 

10/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

…

[casualties during the day, all shrapnel:

116420 Pte Bleakley J 7/N Lancs wounded (attached)

144829 Spr Wills W RE Killed.

13890 Pte Jones J 7/S Lancs Killed

97062 Spr Phipps W RE Wounded.

2841 Cpl Turner A ASC wounded.]

3pm A number of the shafts in the German mine system opposite our late front were destroyed.

 

 

10/7/16 CE 4th Army WD

Orders were sent to Corps that enemy’s mining systems must not be destroyed without reference to Controller of Mines, Fourth Army.

 

 

12/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

[wounded by shrapnel:

132912 Spr Maul G RE

13132 Pte Williams S 7/S Lancs

19073 L/Cpl Adlington W H 11/N&D

102760 Spr Gaines J RE]

Demolition of enemy mine system completed.

 

 

13/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

[Wounded during bombardment of billets:

144868 Spr Robinson T RE

112586 Spr James J RE

137587 Cpl Bennett R RE

17400 L/Cpl Froggart B 9/Y&L

139001 Spr Beezers S to hospital suffering from shell shock.

112647 Spr Smith J W wounded 9/7/16 admitted to hospital on account of his wounds.]

 

 

14/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

… Work commenced constructing deep dug-outs situated at junction of trenches near X.15 central (Sheet 57D SE) 1000x E of La Boisselle village.

13935 Pte Redan W admitted to hospital gassed by enemy lachrymatory shell.

Studebaker Box-Car ( 15585) damaged by enemy shell evacuated to Base as a casualty.

 

 

15/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

[report by Hance on demolition of German mine system]

 

 

7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

Notes on the German Mining System at LA BOISSELLE

Map Reference X.13.d  X.19.b.  X.20.a

1. General Description.   The enemy has always gone for a continuous transversal, with attack galleries therefrom at more or less regular intervals. He has adopted this system right from the first, a plan of his system against the French having come into my possession.  As he blew up the French in the ILOT in early February 1915, and some small camouflets appear to have been fired in early 1915, it is clear that he started a Mining System directly he settled down in this Trench Area. Tradition has it that he blew up the French before they started Mining. All his original mine entrances were in the front line. He had a shaft connected to his transversal behind practically every attack gallery.

In his system as taken over, with the exception of the deep level backing up system, he had a dipping adit leading out in front of his trench, on an inclination of 1 in 1½ or 1 in 2., until he had gained about 20-30 feet of cover. He then sank a shaft. His main transversal either passed directly under this shaft or not more than eight feet in front of it. He therefore had no room for doors to isolate a shaft if so desired.

2.         He had evidently had, at different times, at least four mining systems;

(a) A system about 30’ deep in which he fought the French, and later ourselves.

(b) A system about 50-60 feet deep, which he probably started when we first went down to that depth, the attack galleries here being served from the upper transversal, beginning at its North end at H.8.[?] 85.10. on accompanying plan. This transversal to the south changes gradient frequently, and finally connects with the deeper transversal at about I.11.50.95. [corrected from 95.50]

It was from this system that he blew us on 23/11/1915, at point G.10.2.4., which point we subsequently reached with our C.1.3. gallery at a chamber of 90 feet.

(c) His main system (shewn red on attached plan) over most of his front, where his transversal was 80’ deep, and his chambers, connected thereto by dipping attack galleries, 20’ lower. This transversal is continuous from I.11.50.95. [corrected from 95.50] to M.19.95.10.

This 80’ system on his right front, from G.6. to H.11., has been smashed to pieces by our blows, the attack galleries being all closed or water-logged. At four points to the south of this system, over a front of 1100 feet between Shaft 1, and LOCHNAGAR (not shewn on plan as beyond the limits of our mining system proper.) he had four dipping inclines, down to a depth of 80’, which looks as if he were about to protect his trenches over this front also with a mining system. 

He almost certainly had a fifth, directly opposite LOCHNAGAR charge, as he was heard here regularly towards the end, working at a lower depth than our chambers which were 53’ deep. This incline was, of course, totally destroyed.

(d) On his right, his front line system having been smashed by our various blows, he had gone back to is reserve lines, RESERVE STELLUNG, whence he had driven a “backing up” system, in this case, by dipping inclines stepped all the way down to 100’ in depth, one in one, shewn green on plan attached. The remarkable feature about this system is that his chambers were at the same level as his system (c), on this front, he had not attempted to back up at a deeper level. Water trouble was probably his reason in this. His line of chambers in this system was 50 feet behind that in system (c) and 100’ behind his original line.

He had similarly driven one such dipping gallery farther South, from L.16.45/45 to a 100’ depth at J.17.15/65. the same feature as to chamber depth is noticeable here.

3.         It will be noticed from the plan that many of his galleries are shewn dotted or cross-hatched. The former refer to galleries we know to have existed, frequently having heard working in directions pretty accurately fixed, such as, for example, at G.10-11,0/75 and H.11.70/40. Access to these two galleries was impossible owing to the workings being filled in or water-logged.

The latter refer to galleries, the beginnings of which were visible, and in which we were able to get the early direction, and which, from our listening, we assume to have been straight, but which we could not survey, the cross-hatched portions being destroyed or water-logged.

4. Water.           The water trouble alluded to above would not seem to present much difficulty to persons with electric power at their command, as the Germans had. Still it appears to be the only explanation of his latest system (d) being at the same level as (c). In working down to this depth he (from our own experience) would only have to deal with surface percolation, but, in our lower backing system, at a depth of 100’ (on our side, the ground rises towards him) we had found the natural water level in our K, S.5 and L shafts, and in our D, lower level, attack heading G.6, had struck a spring, necessitating continuous pumping.

5. Ventilation.    As he had no doors or curtains in the whole of his system, his air was not so vigorously “coursed” as ours, and despite his many shafts, the presence of the power driven fans in his transversal seems to indicate that he found it necessary to force the ventilation. We know from information derived fro other fronts, that he allowed 48 hours to elapse after a “blow” before he attempted to resume work. For many months we have never evacuated our system for more than one shift, eight hours. At the time of our examination, when of course, his fans were not working, his air was, in many places, semi-stagnant.

6. Timbering.     He, everywhere used casing, in his adits, transversals or attack galleries. His consumption of timber is out of all proportion to ours. His main adits were 1.8m x 1.16m or in British units 5’ 10” x 3’ 11 ½ “. In some cases his height was reduced to 1.6m.  His transversal was 1.8m x .8m or 5’ 10” x 2’ 7 ½ “. His attack galleries were 1.76m x .8m or 5’ 3” x 2’ 7 ½ “. His chambers were about 18’ x 4’ x 5’ 10”. His old style high level galleries, into which we got in places, where he had not been blown were 1.2m x .8m, or 3’ 11” x 2’ 7½“. As he went deeper he enlarged his galleries. In this respect only, the height of his galleries, I think his methods were better than ours. His shafts were 1.25m or .6m or 4’ 1Ό“ x 1’ 11½“. All the above mentioned sizes are inside the timbers.

7. Haulage.        He had no mechanical haulage whatsoever, nor was a rail to be found anywhere, not a trolley. The only piece of “plant” was a wheel barrow in his main transversal. This confirmed the view we had formed from our listening, that his men were given a task; to cut so much, clear the spoil and return to fix their timbers. In the entrance adits from the trenches to the shafts, he had a mono-rail, actuated by a small hand power reel, with a capacity of two sandbags (smaller than ours) per run. He hauled his bags up his shafts by hand, using a small (8”) pulley block at the top. From J.13.4/5 he was driving a main exit from his transversal at a 15% rise; 1 in 6 2/3. Here a wheel barrow was found, and the bottom of two recent shot holes were to be seen at the face.

8. Habitation.     It would [appear] that many of the men engaged in tunnelling lived underground for in the gallery running from I.7.65/75 to I.8.4/3 was an elaborate system of sleeping berths, living rooms, kitchens etc. This system resembled the cabins in a ship more than anything else. Here officers and men lived, ate, slept and had their telephone cabin (see below) and listing room. These chambers were about 40-50 feet below the surface. it will be noticed that there were three entrances to this living quarter. The air here, at the time of our inspection, was fairly good, but must have been foul when inhabited. All the sleeping rooms were fitted with beds, consisting of wooden frames, cross-stripped with thin hoop-iron. Any amount of blankets, etc., had been left here. Here, as in all his dug-outs, these chambers were connected with the surface by bell wires, to be pulled in case of alarm. there was electric light everywhere.

9. Listening.      This was entirely electric, and confined to the Reiner System. Every finished chamber had a microphone fixed to the face, connected by leads to a central listening chamber. Here was one or more listening terminals. These microphones were mounted on Ύ” piping of various lengths, 4’ 2½“ being about the longest found, other being 3’ 6” and shorter. They were driven into the ends or floors of the chambers, generally the ends, the sides being timbered, for about 9”, and, again, generally inclined to the face, not normal thereto. This does not appear to have been very efficient, as in I.16.65/50, we had crept up by quiet work with the bayonet, the ground being “blown” sufficiently close to his working to be able to hear him talking by naked ear. He had a pump chamber here. He certainly did not know we were there. We blew him here on 1/7/16, and from blood, flesh, etc., found in his transversal we certainly took a toll in life. Similarly in I.17.5/10 we had chambered within 5’ of him. We knew he was close, but I do not believe he knew we were there. there were no signs of any other listening system. He had two listening centres or Headquarters, one in a room in the main dug-out system about I.8.2/3 and the other in the adit entrance to No.7 Shaft.

Moritz System.              In going through his listening room at I.8.2/3 I found certain papers which made me suspicious. They were obviously copies of British Signal messages recorded by a Germans, from the style and characteristics of the hand writing, spelling etc. From this room all instruments had been removed. We found a whole plant, which was handed over to “Intelligence”, in the chamber in the adit to No. 7 Shaft.

Mine Rescue Station.     One of the chambers in the gallery from I.7.65/35 to I.8.4/3 was apparently what we should call his “Proto Dugout”, as there were a number a [sic] small Draeger Sets hanging up. A large bundle of splints were also found. Small Draeger Sets were found in great profusion in all the trenches and in many dugouts, indicating their provision for troops other than miners. Similar sets have been observed in the German Trenches at other parts of the line.

Blasting.           In his all his [sic] back line system, where work was in progress up till the end, there were signs of blasting. This explains the blasting which we have heard for many months past. In some cases the ground was not hard enough to justify blasting according to our ideas.

 

Signed H. Hance.

Major, R.E.

O.C. 179th Coy, R.E.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

16/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

[91874 Spr Woodward T wounded]

 

17/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

[132802 Spr Hartopp H wounded at 2.30am]

 

18/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

Lt & Adjt H C Cherry proceeded on leave to England.

155779 Spr Webb F killed}

148552 Spr Davey T wounded} by enemy shrapnel while returning to billet after relief.

 

21/7/16

Box-Car (Studebaker) α 17195 arrived.

 

22/7/16 War Diary 179 Coy

2/Lt A M Morgan proceed on leave to England. [#WD to here; & names on db]

 

24/7/16 Stokes diary

[Report by Capt G M Smyth list of Mining Machinery captured …179th Coy]

1. Keith-Blackman Fan, same as those at 174th and 183rd Companies, (fan and motor badly damaged by shell fire)

1. 6” Fan old type inefficient, damaged.

1. German Make Motor about 1 H.P usual D.C. type.

1. Single Cylinder Petrol Engine about 5 H.P., very old type, with low tension ignition system, not a suitable pattern, damaged by shell fire.

 

27/7/16 Hance Report to CE 3rd Corps [RE LIB]

As directed in your message No A87 dated the 26th, I beg to report as foll:-

8th Division Front

Here we drove two tunnels, Waltney and Rivington, the former in chalk, the latter in clay.

Waltney was from our front line at X7.b.37.64 and terminated in No Man’s Land at X.7.b.50.57; a distance of 520 feet.

Rivington as from our front line at X7.b.55.18 and terminated 40’ from the German front line at X7.b.94.10, a total length of 600 feet.

The dimensions of both were 5’ 6” (height) x 3’ 6” (width at bottom) x 2’ 6” (width at top). As both these two tunnels were designed as covered communications I am sure that these sizes are too small, as they get blocked with traffic going both ways, wounded seeking shelter & c.

Off both tunnels cross cuts were driven giving access to four Stokes Gun emplacements in each case, as per plan attached. These gun chambers had 5-6 feet of cover over each and were opened to the surface on Y-Z night. The guns were able to fire unobserved and I know of no casualties having taken place during their operation.

Both tunnels had from 9-15 feet of cover according to the undulations of the surface, and both escaped damage from shellfire. Both were timbered with 5” x 3” sets, every 4 feet, and the roof supported between the sets by lagging.

The overhead cover was reduced at the ends by stepping the floor of the galleries up to within 2 feet of the surface. We took the risk of the end being knocked in by our own shell fire, at Rivington a pretty considerable risk.

Waltney We opened up, according to orders, directly the assault was launched on Z day. No great harm was done by this as the hole at that distance from the enemy front line would only look like a shell hole, if visible at all.

It was originally intended to open Rivington at the same time, but a we did not at first succeed in holding the enemy line at this point, the gallery was kept closed so as not to give its existence away.

We subsequently opened it up directly after the successful assault by the 12th Division, the end being connected to the German front line by a short trench.

An assembly trench having been dug in No Man’s Land in front of Waltney, which crosses the tunnel 128 feet back from the face, steps have been put in from the side of the tunnel up into this assembly trench.

34th Division Front

Here we drove a covered communication trench Kerriemuir, for a total length of 410 feet. The last 150 ft of this tunnel was excavated with the bayonet only, for silent work, the whole tunnel being in chalk. enemy patrols were constantly heard passing over the top at night. The tunnel had 12-14 feet of cover, chalk with a few feet of clay on top, and escaped damage from shell fire.

Size of tunnel here also was 5’ 6” x 3’ 6” x 2’ 6”. This tunnel at the end was stepped up to within 2’ of the surface, at a point 120 feet from the enemy line, & was holed up to the surface on the night Y-Z.

Subsequently, when the enemy line had been carried, the end of the tunnel was connected thereto by a trench.

This tunnel was immediately used as a communication, I myself saw with what eagerness, by parties carrying bombs and other supplies up, & by wounded coming down. Consequently it was immediately blocked, and I am convinced, that such tunnels, tho’ altogether admirable in conception, have been made too small, and, to be efficient, must have two roads for traffic both ways.

I am aware that certain official opinion inclines to having similar tunnels, at intervals of 50’ apart, cross connected for ventilation, instead of one larger tunnel. I am convinced that however many such tunnels you may have they will all get blocked, wounded men will always seek the nearest shelter, and consequently every such tunnel must permit of traffic both ways. For this reason I think they ought to be 6 ft or 6’ 6” in height, and 5’ wide, with a dividing centre partition.

This tunnel was of great use, and was regularly used, until the enemy had been driven back so far as to admit of troops passing over the surface.

This tunnel was started from our front line trench at X.20.a.28,10, and was opened to the surface at X.20.a.39,35.

A report on the mines actually blown follows under a separate cover

H M Hance Major OC 179 Co RE 27.7.1916

 

19/12/16 Stokes diary

Hance has, he claims, cleared his Company of crime – as regards the RE & permanently attd. infantry. He is insisting of 4 mos. clean sheet immediately preceding any grant of leave. (It was originally 2 mos.)

 

20 yrs After, Supp Vol, p658

 

Remains buried in little mound at bottom of crater, skull placed on top

 

© Simon Jones 2006